Piracy and the West's Ravaging of Somali Seas Must End

By Farid Omar

Since the collapse of central government in Somalia in 1991, following the ouster of Siad Barre, the former military dictator, pirates have reigned supreme over the Somali high seas, hijacking commercial vessels and ships carrying humanitarian supplies. This year alone, there have been over 25 cases of pirates seizing ships for ransom.

Piracy as western media claims, is fast becoming a lucrative business in war-torn Somalia. But is was the Somali pirates who hijacked a Ukrainian freighter, the MV Faina, loaded with 33 tanks, artillery, grenade launchers and ammunition who captured global attention. The pirates had no idea that their booty was an estimated $30 million worth of deadly weaponry, heading for South Sudan via Kenya. They have demanded a $20 million ransom as condition of releasing the MV Faina and its 21 crew members.

According to Al-Jazeera, the pirates have issued an ultimatum threatening to destroy the arms-laden cargo ship if no ransom is paid. The ship is surrounded by US warships, and a Russian frigate is heading toward the scene, raising the stakes for a possible commando-style raid on the ship.

While the western media has often focused its attention on Somali pirates, the international community has paid a blind eye to the ravaging of Somali seas by foreign vessels that either fish illegally or dump toxic material, including nuclear waste in Somali territorial waters in flagrant violation of the national sovereignty and territorial integrity of Somalia.

Worse still, US, French, German and other western warships continue to “patrol” Somalia’s territorial waters under the pretext of fighting so-called “war on terror” in the Horn of African front. The build up of western warships off the Somali coastline constitutes a direct act of aggression against Somalia.

The ongoing pirates saga on the Ukrainian ship has uncovered the other side of the story following revelations in the New York Times that carried a recent piece on the stand off between the pirates and US ships that have surrounded the MV Faina.

In a telephone interview with the New York Times, Sugunle Ali, the pirates’ spokesman said that so far, in the eyes of the world, the pirates had been misunderstood.

“We don’t consider ourselves sea bandits,” he said. “We consider sea bandits those who illegally fish in our seas and dump waste in our seas and carry weapons in our seas. We are simply patrolling our seas. Think of us like a coast guard.” In Somalia, pirates claim that they only impose heavy "fines" as opposed to claiming "ransom" when seizing ships that illegally enter Somali seas.

In quoting Somali officials, even the New York Times notes that after the collapse of the Somali state, there were no patrols along the shoreline adding that “Somalia’s tuna-rich waters were soon plundered by commercial fishing fleets from around the world. Somali fishermen armed themselves and turned into vigilantes by confronting illegal fishing boats and demanding that they pay a tax”.

However, things later got out of hand as the vigilantes in the high seas quickly transformed themselves into pirates hijacking as the New York Times mentions, “any vessel they could catch: sailboat, oil tankers, United Nations chartered ships etc”.

No doubt, piracy of commercial ships in the high seas is a serious crime and co-ordinated international efforts are required to stamp it out. At the same time, the international community must put to an end the illegal fishing and dumping of toxic waste in Somali waters.

Progressive forces must also demand the immediate withdrawal of western warships circling Somalia to difusse the growing tension in the region.

More importantly, piracy in Somalia can only be rooted out if the international community supports the creation of a peaceful and stable state in Somalia. This would entail the unconditional withdrawal of Ethiopian forces and promotion of an inter-Somali dialogue that would bring together all parties in the Somali conflict in direct negotiations on the way to finding a lasting solution to the political crisis in Somalia.

Is China a Neo-Colonialist Power in Africa?

By Farid Omar

The western media, working in collusion with right wing political analysts, have embarked on a propaganda campaign to discredit the emergent Sino-African Strategic Partnership. They often present a distorted view based on a false premise that places China as a neocolonialist power eager to take effective control of Africa’s abundant natural resources and turn the African continent into a massive market for Chinese products at the expense of Africa.

But according to most Pan-African analysts, this baseless tirade is clearly the work of those who feel threatened by the prospect of a strong China-Africa strategic partnership that they fear would help Africa overcome development obstacles and end centuries of dependency on western economic systems.

African leaders have vigorously defended China-Africa relations. In a strongly worded statement, President Thabo Mbeki of South Africa stated: “There are some in the world who fear this message of hope and the possibility it presents to define the process of globalization in a manner that benefits the poor of the world” noting that “They see the developments exemplified by the China-Africa Partnership as a threat to their selfish interests”.

President Mbeki’s position and that of all other African leaders who attended the November 2006 Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) held in Beijing, the Chinese Capital, is echoed by China’s former ambassador to South Africa, Mr. Liu Guijin who said that in today’s world, “China is working hard to build a harmonious society domestically and is in favor of building a harmonious world of lasting peace and common prosperity”.

While responding to unfounded accusations that China will be a “neo-colonialist” power in Africa, Mr. Guijin provided an historical analysis on China’s long standing anti-colonial tendencies citing for example, the voyage of Zheng He, the famous navigator of China's Ming Dynasty, who 600 years ago, led the then largest fleet in the world and made seven voyages to the "Western Seas," reaching more than 30 countries and regions in Asia and Africa and in which even today, the relics of the crew of his fleet can still be found in Kenya and other countries.

Despite the fact that Zheng He’s fleet was the largest and most powerful in the world 600 years ago, he did not become a colonialist in Africa and beyond.

In providing a clear explanation on this, Mr. Guijin noted that China did not choose to colonize others because the pursuit of harmony is deeply rooted in Chinese traditions.

Further, Mr. Guijin said that more than 2,500 years ago, “The great Chinese philosopher Confucius already set the Golden Rule-what you do not wish for yourself, do not do to others”. This nurtured the mindset of the Chinese people for thousands of years.

Mr. Guijin adds that this concept of harmony “is actually a key theme of the Confucian thought. To colonize others is simply against Chinese traditions and values”.

The Zheng He analogy is a clear illustration that China will not and never had the intention to colonize others. Certainly, Zheng He’s voyage, which is virtually unknown to many in Africa and elsewhere, is one area that African scholars should conduct extensive research on.

Kenya: Socio-Economic Cleavages to Blame for Current Mayhem

By Farid Omar

Following the outbreak of violence in the aftermath of the disputed Kenyan elections, the western media was quick to portray electoral politics in Kenya as “tribal” with perennial “ethnic” loyalties, rather than issues of national debate drumming up support for competing political interests.

But Kenyan and other African pundits have rejected such negative media depictions, stating that ethnicity was not a factor in the December 2007 Kenya elections, pointing out the Raila Odinga led Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) has garnered multi-ethnic, trans-regional, national support in almost seven out of Kenya's eight provinces.

A Seniour Police official has confirmed that at least 600 people have lost their lives while UN figures indicate that 250, 000 people are displaced and close to 500, 000 are in need of urgent humanitarian aid.

Diplomatic efforts are under way to help resolve the crisis with the ODM calling for the establishment of a transitional government and a re-run of the presidential polls within 3 months under an independent commission while the besieged “President” Kibaki has indicated willingness to establish a government of national unity.

The underlying causes of the current political crisis are rooted in existing socio-economic cleavages, social disparity, state corruption, poverty, unemployment, crippling inflation and state's inability to curtail rising crime rates. Most of those caught up in the ongoing violence are Kenya's rural and urban poor, unemployed youths and other marginalized sectors of society.

The post elections violence in Kenya is a clear reflection of decades of frustrations by the marginalized who saw any prospect for better future destroyed by the massive electoral fraud meant to preserve the status quo.

By all accounts, Kenya was a powder keg waiting to explode. The myth that Kenya has always been a “peaceful” and “progressive” model for other African countries to emulate has finally been shattered by the violent unrest that threatens to plunge the country into further chaos. Kenya indeed, was never the so-called “stable” East African nation and “beacon” of hope for Africa.

Public discontentment with the massive state corruption that has driven millions into poverty has been fomenting for years. In four and a half decades of neo-colonial rule, the Kenyan comprador elites, working in collusion with international capital, had succeeded in the pacification of the masses through coercion, patronage, clientelism, co-aptation and other corrupt practices. “Pacification” as we know, is not the same as “peaceful co-existence.”

Kenya's long pacified, diverse communities all share one thing in common; marginalization at the hands of a corrupt, dictatorial, pro-west, capitalist state implementing neo-liberal economic policies that has enriched a select group of elites at the expense of impoverished masses deprived of even the basic necessities of life.

The disputed elections was a just a trigger that allowed the oppressed in Kenya vent their anger against the state as seen in violent clashes between rioters and the police as well as the unfortunate attacks on sections of the population accused of supporting the Kibaki regime.

In today’s Kenya, the masses have started to seriously challenge all forms of “pacification” or intimidation through the state’s excessive use of force. Thus the series of mass peaceful rallies underway across the nation will form the basis of popular resistance to the Kibaki regime.

For peace to prevail, Kenyans and progressive forces around the world should pressure Kibaki to step down and allow for a speedy re-run of the polls under the supervision of an independent electoral commission.

In the meantime, ODM's call for the formation of an interim government with the sole mandate of preparing the stage for new elections is a viable option that offers a way out of the current impasse.

EU's Double Standards on Human Rights

By Farid Omar

The December 2007 Lisbon summit that brought together European Union (EU) and African Union (AU) member states hoped to launch a new “partnership” between the EU and Africa by tackling key issues such as development, good governance, peace, security, migration, energy and climate change.

But many analysts agree that the key agenda behind the so-called “new partnership” is the EU's primary concern for the unfettered access to Africa's vast mineral resources. In confronting China's growing influence in Africa, the EU is bent on retaining its strategic economic interests in the African continent while at the same time, pretend that it would embark on initiatives that would enable Africa, a key trading partner, achieve its long sought democratic goals.

The talk on democracy, good governance, human rights, peace and security is all none sense given the fact that EU member states continue to pay a blind eye to flagrant human rights violations by key African allies. It also smacks of double standards for certain EU countries like the UK that selectively focus their attention on perceived human rights violations in a country like Zimbabwe, a nation considered hostile to EU interests while they deliberately ignore repressive policies in other African countries closely allied to the West.

Gordon Brown, the British Prime Minister, chose to boycott the summit to protest against the presence in the Lisbon talks, of President Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. Mugabe was allowed to attend the summit after African leaders threatened to boycott the event if the EU insisted on barring the Zimbabwean leader from attending. It was a rare show of solidarity among African leaders tired of EU's paternalistic approach in its long standing economic relations with Africa.

Ironically, Brown and other EU leaders didn't see any problem with the attendance of the likes of Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, two leaders whose nations are known for gross human rights violations directed at oppositional forces seeking a democratic alternative in these troubled nations.

Worse still, the EU continues to prop up hardcore, despotic African regimes that primarily serve western interests. EU member states back, finance and arm totalitarian regimes in places like Nigeria, Guinea, Ethiopia, Uganda, Egypt etc suppressing in the process, genuine democratic forces in the continent that are seeking viable alternatives to EU- bankrolled dictatorships.

Zenawi for example, is known for his brutal suppression of opposition leaders, journalists and human rights activists in Ethiopia who voiced their concern in the possible rigging of the hotly contested 2005 elections in which the opposition are widely believed to had garnered enough votes to unseat Zenawi.

In retaliation to public protests, Zenawi's response came in the form of brutal state repression that led to the deaths of hundreds of street protesters in less than a year and the illegal detention of key opposition leaders and activists.

Human Rights Watch and other northern-led NGOs have documented gross human rights violations in the largely Somali -inhabited region of Ogaden in Eastern Ethiopia where Ethiopian forces are facing fierce resistance from the Ogaden National Liberation Front (ONLF), a seccesionist rebel movement seeking independence from Ethiopia.

In this isolated region, Ethiopian security forces have reportedly targeted civilians while the government has been accused of orchestrating an economic blockade aimed at causing mass starvation in the region.

In Somalia, Ethiopian forces that have occupied the war-torn nation at the behest of the US, have been accused by rights groups including Human Rights Watch for shelling civilian positions in Mogadishu, causing the worst humanitarian disaster in Africa that has led to the displacement of one million people.

Disturbingly, Gordon Brown and other EU leaders are unperturbed by this troubling trend in both Ethiopia and neighbouring Somalia and have kept their silence on the ongoing atrocities committed by a close African ally.

Uganda, a key Western ally, is equally a flagrant violator of human rights. Its forces are accused of displacing innocent civilians in its long war with the Lord Resistance Army rebels in the north. The Museveni regime is known for suppressing opposition leaders and his government technically rigged Uganda's 2006 elections through draconian measures such as state restriction of the opposition's ability to effectively organize and the mass intimidation of the opponents of the regime.

Further,Ugandan is among the seven countries in the region that invaded Congo in 1998 and its troops are implicated in grisly atrocities directed at innocent civilians and the mass plunder of Congolese resources during the five year long civil war.

Yet Gordon Brown and the EU have their eyes set on Zimbabwe and totally ignore Uganda, Ethiopia and other regional allies complicit of gross human rights violations within their borders and in neighbouring countries.

The UK and the EU continue to provide Uganda, Ethiopia and other despotic regimes in Africa with economic and military aid. And all this despite widespread state repression in member AU states that are not only closely allied to western nations but duly protect EU interests through tyrannical measures that infringe on fundamental individual and collective rights.

In early 2007, security forces in Guinea opened fire on anti-government protesters, killing 130 people in cold blood during mass rallies organized by Trade Unionists opposed to President Lansana Conte's repressive policies. Conte, a close ally of France, seized power illegally in a 1984 military coup and has ever since, ruled with an iron hand, silencing his opponents through coercion and state violence.

Despite vigorous opposition to his dictatorial rule, Lansana has largely remained in power through sustained support from France and other EU countries that continue to prop-up the ailing dictator.

Unlike the anti-West Mugabe, Lansana Conte is not a target of the EU and France as the European body and Guinea's former colonial masters are determined to protect Conte. This is because the Guinean dictator is a close EU ally duly implementing stringent neo-liberal economic policies that protect western interests at the expense of the impoverished masses in Guinea.

Democratic forces in Africa need to challenge the EU's stance on Africa by exposing double standards and condemning the propping up of despotic regimes that serve EU economic and strategic interests. The social movements in the continent should strive to build a democratic, Pan-African alternative through popular education, mass political action and initiatives that empower the impoverished masses, women and all other marginalized sectors of society excluded from the political process.

The elite-driven, top down approach evident in the proposed EU-Africa partnership would not free the people of Africa from poverty, war and underdevelopment. Rather, the people of Africa must pursue a home grown, bottom up, revolutionary approach relying on a democratic, all inclusive civil society driven process that would usher in a new era of political and economic renewal for Africa.

Promoting Citizen Diplomacy in Africa

By Farid Omar.

The field of citizen diplomacy, also known as Track-II talks, has taken an important role in conflict resolution mechanisms around the world. In the Middle East and elsewhere, Track-II Talks have helped build bridges among communities torn by war and factionalism.

Due to failure or shortcomings of key Track-I (official diplomacy) talks, peace activists, conflict resolution experts, peace-builders and communities in general would increasingly rely on Track-II Talks in attempts to resolve protracted conflicts around the world.

The primary actors in citizen diplomacy include peace activists, scholars, journalists, former statesmen and military officials, elder statesmen and other notable personalities representing various non-state sectors in the wider society committed to resolving conflicts within their states or communities.

In Africa, the field of diplomacy and conflict resolution has been dominated by state actors(government officials and heads of states) supra-national and regional groupings such as the African Union and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS etc) and armed actors challenging state structures including rebel movements, paramilitaries and other armed militias.

Ceasefires, truces and talk of peace deals have often been used by state and armed actors as an opportunity to consolidate their positions while at the same time, re-arming and strategizing for the next round of hostilities. As a result, conflict resolution mechanisms dominated by state and armed actors have had little impact in building lasting peace in the continent and in most cases, has only paved the way for renewed hostilities.

With peace processes heading for imminent failures in a multitude of African conflicts including the ongoing civil strife in Somalia, Congo, Sudan, and the Ivory Coast, citizen diplomacy, more than ever before, holds the key to unlocking a new formula for fostering peace in the continent through the direct involvement of citizen diplomats and peace delegates in fragile and failing peace processes.

This calls for increased and effective representation of delegates representing private citizens, trade unions, voluntary and professional associations, the women movement, faith groups and other non-state entities, in the realm of conflict resolution and conflict prevention and all other matters pertaining to improving regional security and building sustainable peace in Africa.

Citizen diplomacy as pertaining to Africa, has received little attention from peace researchers, conflict resolution analysts and even international bodies like the United Nations.

All stakeholders in the peace-building movement should wake up to the important reality that citizen diplomats have an important role to play in peace-making and peace-building and there is greater potential for this sector to not only build bridges among warring factions and communities, but also influence and provide state actors involved in Track-I Talks with the necessary terms and tools to effectively resolve long lasting conflicts in Africa.

Unlike Track-I (Official Diplomacy) talks, Track-II (Citizen Diplomacy) talks take place in a less sensitive environment. While it is sometimes difficult for state actors and their opponents to meet face to face, citizens always take the initiative to reach out to each other to find collective solutions to issues around conflict.

For example, the Israeli government and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) have not only denounced each other, but never met face to face prior to 1993 to resolve the Middle East Conflict. But both Israeli and Palestinian citizens have been meeting and coming together for decades to find ways to end the conflict.

The 1993 Oslo Process was the product of successful rounds of talks initiated by citizen diplomats both Israeli and Palestinian, which helped pave the way for the official behind the scenes Track-I Talks involving Israeli government officials and leaders of the Palestinian Authority. This eventually led to the Middle East Peace Process, which culminated with the signing of the Peace Accord in the White House.

Track-II success in the Middle East and elsewhere in the world can be replicated in Africa. While it has been difficult for state actors and opposing rebel authorities in Africa to resolve long standing conflicts in places like Somalia, Congo and Sudan, the citizens of these countries and other parts of Africa who happen to belong to opposing loyalties have always come together to find ways to end conflicts in their nations and communities.

In order to foster a culture of peace and healing, it is imperative that the citizen diplomacy sector in Africa, which lacks adequate resources, be supported so as to build an active constituency of citizen peacemakers and peace builders. A vibrant citizen diplomacy sector in the African continent would go along way in eliminating obstacles to peace in the continent and further develop the necessary pre-requisites to peace in war-torn nations and communities.

Like their counterparts in the Middle East, citizen diplomats in Africa have the potential to bridge political divisions within their nations and communities and also influence state actors make appropriate decisions that can help facilitate a functional conflict resolution process at the official level.

Kenyan Elections: Ethnicity not a Factor in Disputed Polls

By Farid A.M. Omar

Following the outbreak of violence in the aftermath of the disputed Kenyan elections, the western media was quick to portray electoral politics in Kenya as “tribal” with perennial “ethnic” loyalties, rather than national issues shaping up support for competing political interests.

While politics in the Moi and Kenyatta eras as well as the the first term of Kibaki's reign may have been dictated by ethnic interests, the flawed 2007 elections was historic in that ethnicity took a back stage as the fledging opposition Party, the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) led by Mr. Raila Odinga, carted a new era in Kenyan politics, shunning ethnic divisions and instead, uniting Kenyans under a banner that has confined electoral politics into an issues-based national debate.

Ethnicity has not been a driving factor in this elections although political opportunists are likely to manipulate the ongoing violent unrest to rekindle ethnic tensions and plunge the predominantly peaceful East African nation into further chaos.

It is very unfortunate that specific communities were targeted in the current mayhem and especially in the Rift Valley Province, in which in one grisly incident, 35 innocent people, mostly women and children from the Kikuyu community perished in a Church fire blamed on marauding mobs angered by the outcome of the rigged Presidential polls. Peace loving Kenyans should roundly condemn such acts, refrain from violence and seek a peaceful resolution to the current impasse.

In a dubious move, the Electoral Commission of Kenya(ECK), had at the end of the polls, declared Kibaki the winner over his rival, the opposition's Raila Odinga. As of late, upto five officials of the ECK have broken ranks with their colleaques, declaring that the Presidential polls were fraudulent and marred with serious irregularities. The ODM and some western observers have called for an independent audit of the polls to ensure a fair and transparent culmination to the process.

On the run up to the 2007 elections, Raila's ODM garnered national support that transcends ethnic and regional lines. His party, ODM, has a truly national outlook with multi-ethnic support across the nation. There are even Kikuyus in the ODM and some of them, like Bishop Margaret Wanjiru, is the presumed winner of the Starehe Constituency in Nairobi, having tallied more votes than her rival, PNU's Maina Kamanda, along time area MP.

In its haste to thwart ODM fortunes, the ECK quickly annulled the Starehe results, locking Ms. Wanjiru out of a historic parliamentary victory. The ECK felt that it would have been a huge blow to Kibaki if Wanjiru was officially declared winner on an ODM ticket in a mainly Kikuyu populated part of the City.

In the Kisumu East constituency, voters overwhelmingly elected Mr. Ahmed Shakeel Shabir, a Kenyan of South Asian descent as their new MP, rejecting their own Luo candidates who ran on other party tickets.

The western media is keen on presenting the ethnic line so as to continue to depict Kenyan and African politics in general, as being primarily a “tribal”, or “ethnic-centred” process devoid of issues-based politicking. But Kenyan and other African pundits have rejected such negative media depictions, stating that ethnicity was NOT a driving force in the 2007 Kenya elections.

Raila's ODM for example, draws the majority of its support outside his Luo community. Sensing that the ODM was headed for outright victory in six out of Kenya's eight Provinces, the pro-Kibaki ECK moved fast to doctor the final results in favour of Kibaki. While Kibaki's PNU largely relied on Kikuyu support from the Central Province, the ODM had over the last two years, built itself a national support base across the provinces.

The ODM has widespread support in Nyanza, Western, Rift Valley and Nairobi Provinces among various communities including the Luo, Luhya, Kalenjin, Maasai, Kisii etc while in the Coast and North Eastern Provinces and parts of Eastern Province, the ODM has fielded winning candidates from the Swahili, Taveta, Somali, and Gabra communities in what clearly local analysts regard as a multi-ethnic, trans-regional, national support for Raila.

Also, the ODM has successfully secured bloc voting on demographic basis as the majority of the young people in Kenya as well as women and the Muslim community decisively voted for Raila.

Like his late father, the legendary Jaramogi Oginga Odinga, Raila Odinga is widely acknowledged in Kenyan politics as a nationalist leader rising above “tribal” politics. During the elections campaign, Raila's ODM focussed on such nagging issues as corruption, poverty, unemployment and alarming crime rates. This resonated well with the masses and by election date, there was no stopping the ODM train that was cruising to certain victory.

On the other hand, most Kenyans would agree that Kibaki per se is not the problem but the clique of corrupt politicians within his inner circle. Ordinary Kenyans blame Kibaki's cronies on the endemic corruption that has paralyzed the country over the last five years. In the past, Kibaki was often regarded as the “gentleman” of Kenyan politics for his ability to delegate power and work closely with other leaders.

But his regime was held hostage by his close associates, erstwhile dubbed “The Mount Kenya Mafia” implicated in massive corruption during Kibaki's first tenure of office. This political mafia takes its name from the Mount Kenya region in the Central Province where Kibaki's henchmen hail from. It consists of powerful cabinet ministers in the Kibaki government as well as corporate titans with close ties to the state.

During the 2002 Kenya elections, it was Raila Odinga who handed the Presidency to Kibaki on a silver platter after he made the famous declaration “Kibaki Tosha” loosely translated from Kiswahili as meaning “Kibaki all the way”. Raila, a rising opposition leader at the time, sacrificed his own presidential ambitions infavour of Kibaki, so as to unite the opposition under the banner of National Rainbow Coalition (Narc-Kenya) that swept to power, ending Kanu's 40 years of reign in power.

But Raila and others later fell out with the President after his refusal to deliver a people-driven new constitution for Kenya as well as failure to honour the memorandum of understanding (MOU), a gentleman's agreement that required Kibaki to step down after one term to allow for Raila to run as the Narc-Kenya 2007 Presidential candidate. Odinga and his close allies also left the Kibaki government after the revelations of massive corruption in high places.

In the just concluded elections, Kibaki's PNU party relied on old guard politicians to mobilize support for the President. These include Mr. Simeon Nyachae who served as a cabinet minister in successive governments, tasked with the plan to deliever the Kisii vote, while other cabinet ministers; Mukhisia Kituyi, Musikari Kombo and Vice-President Muudi Awori were expected to deliver the Luhya vote.

Former President Daniel Arap Moi and his former right hand man, Nicholas Biwott, considered the real power behind Moi' long 24 year reign, and Kibakis's cabinet minister Kipruto Arap Kirwa, turfed the Rift Valley to rally Kalenjin support for Kibaki on the Presidential ticket while maintining allegiance to Kanu on the Parliamentary ticket. In the Eastern Province, Ukambani chieftains —turned PNU candidates, Mr Mutua Katuku (Water Development minister and Prof Kivutha Kibwana (Lands minister), were entrusted with selling Kibaki's campaign in parts of this province.

But Kenyans overwhelmingly rejected these ethnic overtures and instead, pusnished these bearers of the ethnic torch, voting out Vice-President Awori, Nyachae, Kituyi, Kombo, Tuju, Kirwa, Katuku and Kibwana who were among the 20 cabinet ministers who lost their seats during the elections.

Moi's ethnic card resulted in the total destruction of the Moi dynasty in the Rift Valley Province as his three sons, Gideon, Raymond and Jonathan all lost in the Parliamentary polls in Baringo and Eldama Ravine.

Overall, the 2007 elections was one that saw the majority of voters shunning ethnic politics by punishing divisive politicians and rewarding politicians who forged a united national front under the ODM Parliamentary and Presidential tickets.

More importantly, the 2007 elections ushered in a new wave of women politicians, most of them running on ODM ticket, some of whom defeated a powerful slates of male candidates in a number of constituencies. Also, small parties never used to winning even single seats in parliament, had a field day as they bagged in a total of 21 seats, some of them at the expense of Kibaki's PNU.

By colluding with the Kibaki government, the ECK led Kenyans down by rigging the elections in favour of the incumbent, hence curtailing a certain democratic precedent for Kenya. But through mass rejection of Kibaki's “re-election,” ODM supporters and leaders alike are determined to reclaim their hard fought democratic triumph by placing popular pressure on President Kibaki to step down. The million man protest at Uhuru Park on Thursday, represents the beginning of a new struggle to reshape Kenyan politics and set the East African nation on the path to democratic consolidation.

Electoral Fraud Could Spell Doom For Kenya.

By Farid Abdi Mohamed Omar.

The deeply flawed electoral process in the just concluded Presidential, Parliamentary and Civic elections characterized by fraud and irregularities threatens to plunge Kenya into political turmoil. Long considered an oasis of peace in a volatile region dogged by political instability and violent armed conflict, Kenya, a country that has largely escaped the bloodshed and mayhem that has decimated its neighbours, faces a grim prospect of instability if the fall out from the hotly disputed elections are not settled through proper constitutional or popular mechanisms that can guarantee electoral transparency.

After a lengthy delay, the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) declared incumbent President, Mwai Kibaki the winner, over his rival Mr. Raila Odinga, the leader of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM) who led the polls throughout the election's campaign. The final votes tally is hotly disputed by the ODM and a number of election observers who maintain that the process was marred by rigging and voter irregularities.

According to most Kenyans, “constitutionalism” certainly is not a viable option as the Kenyan judiciary, staffed with President Kibaki's cronies is a rubber stamp of the corrupt Kibaki regime. Asked whether he would seek the intervention of the courts, Raila Odinga responded that Kenya’s courts could not salvage the situation since they are in tight control of the Government. “We will not go to the courts controlled by President Kibaki”. Mr. Odinga hopes that a verifiable, fair recount could help Kenya break the current political impasse that threatens to spiral out of control.

Since the counting process started late last Thursday after polling closed in all 210 constituencies, Raila Odinga led steadily and in some crucial stage, led with a million votes over his rival, Mr. Mwai Kibaki of the PNU. Sensing imminent defeat for the PNU, the (ECK), long known for its close ties with the Kibaki Government, moved fast to doctor results from Kibaki strongholds in an overt rigging process that turned the tide infavour of Kibaki. From voter tallies announced at polling stations, it clearly emerged by early Saturday that Raila Odinga had won the elections. But the ECK suspended the release of the final tally creating uncertainly throughout Kenya with opposition leaders and supporters alleging that the pro-Kibaki ECK was doctoring the votes to unconstitutionally declare Kibaki the winner.

Pandemonium broke out at the ECK headquarters at the Nairobi Kenyatta International Conference Centre (KICC) as opposition leaders demanded the ECK release final tallies to avert imminent chaos in the streets. The ECK rejected opposition demands, canceled the release of final votes sending the entire nation on the brink of violent unrest. When the ECK finally made its final statement on Sunday, the ECK chairman Samuel Kivuitu declared President Kibaki duly elected with 4,584,721 votes against ODM Presidential candidate Raila Odinga who had 4,352,993 votes.

Violence erupted across the nation and especially in the opposition strongholds in Nyanza, Western, Rift Valley and Coast Provinces where the Police clashed with irate Raila supporters in Kisumu, Kakamega, Kitale, Eldoret, Bungoma, Busia, Kericho, Mombasa etc. More violence was reported in Nairobi where the ODM retains a large following and by late Sunday, twenty people were reportedly killed and many others wounded. In Nairobi's Kibera slum, police fired live rounds and tear-gas to disperse Mr Odinga's supporters, while a blackout also plunged the area into darkness.

In an attempt to curtail public opinion and mass mobilization through media, the Daily Nation reported that the Government, through Internal Security minister John Michuki, suspended all live broadcasts by television and radio stations and threatened to arrest anyone publishing alarming materials.

Barely one hour after the doctored results were announced, Kibaki was sworn in as President in a hasty ceremony held at the State House Gardens. This is a clear break from the traditional Presidential inauguration ceremony that normally takes place at a public rally in Uhuru Park a week later after the winning President has named his full cabinet and slate of permanent secretaries. The rushed swearing-in ceremony is meant to allow President Kibaki consolidate power swiftly, have effective access to Kenya's security organs such as the armed forces, the police and the general service unit and to pre-empt any opposition attempts to re-organize or force immdeidate vote recounts.

Shortly before Mr. Kivuitu announced the “final tally”, the Standard reported that an official from the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) has come out in the open and declared that “the poll body is rigging the elections in favour of President Mwai Kibaki.” Mr Kipkemoi Kirui, a parliamentary official, seconded to ECK was led to the press conference addressed by ODM leaders led by Presidential candidate, Mr Raila Odinga.

He wondered why the ECK “was not listening to its officers and allowed its officers to temper with the results”.

"My conscience could not allow me to see what I was seeing and keep quiet," said Kirui adding: "I have seen form 16A delivered by returning officers… and the results announced here by the chairman are different".

The officer said "blatant and shameless alteration of documents "was being done particularly by "information technology officials."

He said the results for Coast and upper Eastern provinces were the most affected, and named Moyale, Laisamis, Saku and Matuga among other six constituencies.

Even western election observers questioned the credibility of the results stating that the process was flawed. Among them, the Chief Observer of the EU Election Observation Mission (EU - EOM), Mr Alexander Graf Lambsdorff, Member of the European Parliament, said that the ECK “has not succeeded in establishing the credibility of the tallying process to the satisfaction of all parties and candidates”.

He added: "We regret that it has not been possible to address irregularities about which both the EU EOM and the ECK have evidence”.

According to the Standard, the result for the Molo constituency, for example, was announced in the presence of EU- EOM Observers at the constituency tally centre as 50,145 votes for President Kibaki, while the ECK declared the result for the President to be 75,261 votes. This scenario is repeated in other constituencies in which the tallies released by officials in polling stations were doctored and altered by the ECK.

Kibaki's “re-election” defies all logic given the fact that in the concurrent Parliamentary polls, his corrupt cabinet minsters were sent packing by voters as 20 ministers lost their seats. This was a resounding rejection by the voters of Kibaki's Government. Among those who lost their seats were Vice President Muudi Awori, and key cabinet ministers including Minister for Foreign Affairs, Minister for Defence, Minster for Health, Minister for Labour etc. It is difficult to see how Kibaki can legitimately govern as he clearly lacks any sizeable Parliamentary support base required to form a Government.

Before the ECK released its final results, Mr Odinga declared that Kenyans had elected him and asked the President to concede defeat.

He told an international news conference at ODM’s Pentagon offices: “The people know that they voted to reject the incumbent and put in place a President and a Government they have faith in. That is why they have elected me President.”

However, he appealed for national calm, telling ODM supporters not to cause any chaos or destroy property.

Mr Odinga is quoted in the Daily Nation as saying :“Kenyans are deeply disturbed and angered by the attempt of this Government to steal this election through a process that was fraudulent at every step of the way.”

He said he was not going to accept a Kibaki win when the results from all parts of Kenya did not give him the mandate.

“I cannot and would not accept a Kibaki win; the results are there, if I had lost I would have accepted, this is fait accompli (over),” Mr Odinga said.

Mr. Odinga warned that the consequences of electoral fraud are too grave for Kenya. He gave the example of Ivory Coast, one of the most successful countries in West Africa that has slid into chaos. The Ivorian analogy is significant in that the West African nation had in its hey days of political stability, often been compared to peaceful Kenya, that has always avoided the wave of conflicts afflicting its East and Central African neighbours.

The ODM leader talked of rigging in some regions, saying that even with the rigged results, ODM tallies from all 210 stations would still have placed him ahead of President Kibaki.

He said some ECK officials who were dissatisfied with the election had provided the ODM with information that figures in some of President Kibaki’s strongholds were inflated so that he could emerge the winner.

In a televised press conference, Mr. Odinga said that: "The train of democracy in Kenya is unstoppable like the flow of the Nile." As Mr Odinga spoke, the government suspended all live television and radio reports, ending the transmission of his news conference.

"People who want to commit a crime do so in darkness," he said afterwards. By late Sunday evening, all Television and Radio stations in Kenya remained closed under strict orders from the Government.

The political stakes in Kenya are high with a looming political confrontation that could plunge the nation into upheavals. The BBC has reported that Mr Odinga's Orange Democratic Movement has invited its supporters to an alternative inauguration ceremony in the capital, Nairobi, on Monday afternoon to declare him the "People's President".

"We know that the people of Kenya elected Raila Amolo Odinga as their legitimate President and they are ready to see him serve democratically in the capacity," it said in a statement.

After the ODM's announcement, Kenyan police warned Mr Odinga that he would face arrest if he went ahead with the demonstration. Some observers believe that the Ivory Coast scenario, which saw a mass popular uprising in the streets of Abidjan oust former Military leader Robert Guei, may unfold in Kenya. There are concerns that outraged Kenyans may threaten to storm the state house(Kenya's seat of power), if the final votes are not recounted and the presumed winner, Raila Odinga, is not duly declared the outright winner. However, this is not the route Raila hopes to pursue. The ODM leader has persistently called for calm urging his supporters to seek a peaceful resolution to the current deadlock.

In this elections, Kenya was on the threshold of setting an important democratic precedent. But uncertainty over the electoral fraud that has created tension and unrest could spell doom for the nation. Democratic forces around the world should condemn the outright rigging in the Kenyan Presidential Polls and call for a fair recount, free of irregularities, to allow for a peaceful democratic transition.